During
the time Christ walked the earth, His disciples were in constant
danger of turning the Gospel into a political platform. There
was a certain part of “My kingdom is not of this world”
they didn’t under-stand; one suspects that in those early
years the question foremost in their minds was, “That’s
great, Lord. Wilt thou at this time restore again the kingdom
to Israel?” (Acts 1:6).
Today, however,
we have to deal with the contrary error. We have to contend with
those who, under the slogan of “My kingdom is not of this
world,” insist that Christianity has nothing to
do with politics. “Christians shouldn’t politicize,”
these often well-intentioned believers say. “They should
simply preach the Gospel.”
In a sense,
an important sense, these people are right. We should concentrate
on preaching the Gospel. The Gospel, says Paul, is primarily about
delivering to others what we have received: that Christ died for
our sins according to the Scriptures, was buried, and was raised
again on the third day (1 Corinthians 15:3-4). The Gospel of Christ
isn’t a social program or a geopolitical entity built by
violence and coer-cion. Christ came, first of all, to save His
people from their sins, not from their lack of health insurance.
The church, further, has suffered dreadful damage from those who
claimed the name of Christ (Innocent III, Frederick William I,
Richelieu) in order to cover their abominable power plays. We
must insist, against such a spin on the Gospel, that
Christ’s kingdom does not originate from or operate through
the preferred methods of this world.1
But this doesn’t
mean that His kingdom has nothing to do with this world.2
Political theory is not “worldly” or unimportant.
We should ask our friends, in the first place, what it is we’re
supposed to do after we preach the Gospel. After the
Holy Spirit has done the work of converting His people from among
our audience, what do we tell the converts?
As William
Cunningham pointed out, those of us who oppose neutrality in politics
are allowed for the sake of argument to assume whatever cultural
conditions we wish, since our opponents hold that it is wrong
to “Christianize” politics under any circumstances.
So let’s suppose that Gospel preaching is so successful
in a certain country that the majority of citizens are born again.
Suppose, further, that the president or prime minister, every
cabinet member, and almost every representative and bureaucrat
is also regenerate. Should these people now strive to be “neutral”
or “pragmatic” or “multicultural” in their
administration of civil government? Does their conversion have
no effect on their conduct and opinions? Should they operate their
administration as if they were unbelievers? Never mind for now
that neutrality in the civil realm is impossible to attain3
—the question still remains as to why Christians would want
to seek it.
Second, a
cursory glance at Scripture demonstrates that the Christian Gospel
has clear political impli-cations—such as private property
rights (1 Kings 21:1ff; Proverbs 13:22; Matthew 20:15), the limitation
of human government (Psalm 22:28; Daniel 4:25; Romans 11:36, 13:4),
and the establishment of three distinct legitimate governments
(familial, ecclesiastical, and civil: see Ephesians 6:1, 4; Deuteronomy
6:7; Matthew 7:9-10; 1 Timothy 5:4; Titus 2:1ff; 1 Corinthians
5:12-13; Acts 6:1; and 1 Timothy 5:16). Can Christians be prohibited
from speaking where Scripture itself speaks?
The third
problem with the sharp dichotomy between Christianity and politics
is that the dichotomy, though set up to prevent Christianity from
being downgraded, ironically creates that very result. If mod-ernism
trivialized the faith by wrenching it into just another self-help
program, the anti-political view does the same thing by relegating
the rule of God’s Word to some nebulous “spiritual
realm.” The effect is to deny Christ’s lordship over
the world—the here and now.
But Scripture
doesn’t make such a denial. It doesn’t assert that
Christ is merely Lord on Sunday; it insists that Christ is Lord
of all, and that includes the intellectual realm. In Him are hid
“all the treasures of wisdom and knowledge” (Colossians
2:3). Christians are called, not to ignore certain spheres of
thought, but to bring “every thought,” including
every political thought, under the “obedience of Christ”
(2 Corinthians 10:5). Gordon Clark was right to say that “Christianity…has,
or, one may even say, Chris-tianity is a comprehensive view of
all things [emphasis mine]: It takes the world, both
material and spiri-tual, to be an ordered system.”
4
By Christ
all things spiritual, philosophical, and political consist; there
simply is no neutral turf over which His reign does not extend.
Christians should do political theory, not because political theory
is great in itself, but because Christ is Lord.
1“Ye
know that they which are accounted to rule over the Gentiles exercise
lordship over them; and their great ones exercise authority upon
them. But so shall it not be among you: but whosoever will be
great among you, shall be your minister: and whosoever of you
will be the chiefest, shall be servant of all” (Mark 10:42-44).
2Think
of Christ’s miracles. While His primary concern was to teach
the people (or, more accurately, to die for them), His healing
wonders were genuine acts of compassion for the blind, lame, demon-possessed,
and dead. Following His example of mercy, Christians must take
care of the poor and sick. But our primary goal (which is also
an act of mercy) should be to see that “to the poor the
gospel is preached” (Luke 7:22). What profits it a man if
he gains prescription drug coverage and loses his own soul?
3The
very claim to neutrality, in fact, makes neutrality impossible
since it condemns as false those world-views that deny that neutrality
is desirable (or possible).
3Gordon
H. Clark, A Christian View of Men and Things (Hobbs,
NM: The Trinity Foundation, 3rd ed., 1998), p. 9
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Christopher
Alexion is a homeschool graduate living in New Castle,
Delaware. He can be contacted at cmalexion@netzero.net.
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